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Nearbuy and Little Internet merge, Paytm gets majority stake

BENGALURU:Discoveryand deals platforms Nearbuy and Little Internet have merged, and financial services platform Paytm has taken a majority stake in this combined entity, the company announced on Wednesday. The merged entity, is expected to be valued at about $100 million with a fresh capital infusion of $25 million by Paytm, according to a source briefed on the matter.

Nearbuy-Little combined is expected to be spearheaded by Nearbuy’s chief executive Ankur Warikoo, said the person cited above.

While the two brands will continue to exist independently, Little Internet founders Manish Chopra and Satish Mani would be moving on. Sequoia Capital, along with other investors of Nearbuy will continue to be shareholders of the merged entity.

“In the local commerce space, Little Internet and Nearbuy combined will own 88% of the market share,” said Warikoo, Nearbuy’s CEO without commenting on specifics of the transaction. “There are around half-a-million merchants in the organised retail space, which we would like to bring on our platform.”

ad028_merge Nearbuy and Little Internet merge, Paytm gets majority stake

This merger brings the total merchants’ count to over 40,000, as the companies look to expand that number to 100,000 by 2018-end. Customers would be able to access Nearbuy and Little Internet deals from the Paytm app as well once it’s integrated on the platform in the next month or two, added Warikoo.

This transaction comes as Paytm looks to boost its position in the offline space allowing its merchants to have the option of acquiring more customers by offering deals and discounts. In July, the payments company acquired a majority stake in online ticketing and events platform Insider.in, thereby allowing Paytm customers to access events listed on Insider.

“Paytm’s goal is to provide its base of over five million merchants, tools to expand their business and to offer its customers the opportunity to buy all categories of digital and physical goods,” said Vijay Shekhar Sharma, CEO, Paytm. Nearbuy (formerly Groupon India) parted from its parent Groupon in 2015. It was later rebranded as Nearbuy when Sequoia Capital pumped in $20 million.

What will Tencent get out of its 12% stake in Snap Inc.?

At a moment when skepticism abounds about Snap Inc.’s future, one of the world’s biggest internet companies was revealed to be banking on the company’s success.

Tencent, the Chinese company behind the wildly popular social media app WeChat and a global player in mobile gaming, has bought an approximately 12% stake in Snap, the parent company behind the video messaging app Snapchat, financial filings showed Wednesday.

News of the $2-billion investment arrives at a troubling time for Snap. The Venice company released its third-consecutive quarter of lackluster financial results Tuesday and its shares have continued to slide further away from their $17 stock market debut in March.

But Tencent, one of China’s three leading internet companies along with search engine Baidu and e-commerce giant Alibaba, sees something in the struggling company that could help reverse Wall Street’s souring view.

Chinese Internet Company Buys 12 Percent Stake In Snap

NEW YORK (AP) — The Chinese internet company Tencent has acquired a 12 percent stake in Snap, with the social media company struggling to boost user growth.

Tencent runs the WeChat messaging app, as well as online payment platforms and games. Earlier this year, it bought a 5 percent stake in Tesla Inc.

Snap Inc. is the parent company of Snapchat, a camera app that lets people send short videos and images. The company, based in Venice, California, said in a regulatory filing Wednesday that Tencent bought 145.8 million shares.

Snap revealed Tuesday that its loss tripled to $443.2 million during the third quarter on weak user growth and revenue. The app is getting a redesign to make it easier to use.

Snap faces intense competition from Apple, Facebook’s Instagram and WhatsApp, and Google’s YouTube.

News that Tencent has become one of the company’s biggest investors did not staunch a sell-off Wednesday. Shares of Snap tumbled almost 15 percent to $12.91, with a number of industry analysts downgrading the company.

UBS, among those advising clients to sell shares in the company, believes it will be exceedingly difficult for Snap to differentiate itself from industry giants like Google, Facebook and Amazon.

“In the first two quarters as a public company, we framed Snap’s disappointing results as ‘growing pains’ but felt the long-term debates around user growth and ad business scaling were left unsolved,” wrote analyst Eric Sheridan. “While many of those questions remain unanswered after a third earnings report, it is now very likely that Snap will continue to struggle on multiple fronts in the coming 12 months.”

It’s been a busy week in cross-Pacific deal making.

With President Donald Trump meeting in China with President Xi Jinping for the first time, U.S. and Chinese companies signed deals valued at around $9 billion.

(© Copyright 2017 The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.)

Chinese internet giant purchases 10% stake in Snap

Russian trolls in St. Petersburg tapped back into sleeper accounts, with stolen photos and fake backgrounds, to amplify support for Trump and negative takes on Hillary Clinton during Election Day 2016, according to The Daily Beast. The sleeper cell accounts pull less clout on Twitter than the most influential Russian trolls, with just about 5,000 followers each, and some with creation dates going as far back as 2009.

Why it matters: As The Daily Beast’s Kevin Poulsen writes, “they churned along largely unnoticed, averaging two or three tweets a day, then perked up on Election Day.” This means some of what the Twitter execs and other big tech execs may have to answer to is how to tackle smaller accounts that may fly under the radar, and not just fake, influential accounts that might be easier to spot.

Deep in Trump Country, a Big Stake in Health Care

MOUNTAIN HOME, Ark. — Marjorie Swanson was the first in the family to get a job at Baxter Regional Medical Center after moving to this rural Ozark town from Chicago’s South Side in 1995.

A year later, her husband was hired by the maintenance department. Six months ago, their daughter snagged a job as a pharmacy technician and shares the night shift with her fiancé, who works in housekeeping. Their son started in 2013 as a biomedical technician, repairing medical equipment. He was introduced to his wife by two nurses there: one who is now his mother-in-law and Beverly Green, an aunt through marriage.






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Baxter

County, Ark.

DEMOGRAPHICS

BAXTER

U.S.

Population

41,000

323 mil.

Percentage white

97%

77%

Percentage 65

and older

31%

15%

Median household

income in 2015

$35,400

$53,900

4.3%

4.4%

Unemployment rate

Health care share

of employment

26%

13%

ELECTION RESULTS

2012

2016

71%

Trump

Romney

74%

Obama

27%

Clinton

21%






“Without our hospital, I’d probably be working at McDonald’s,” said Ms. Green, who was born at the medical center 47 years ago and has worked there for the past 27, first as a nursing assistant, and now as a manager. “Almost everyone has someone related here.”

That’s not surprising in Baxter County, in a part of northern Arkansas known for two dragon-shaped fishing lakes filled with largemouth bass, walleye and bream. The hospital is the single largest employer, with 1,600 people paid to mop floors and code insurance forms, stitch wounds and perform open-heart surgery.

“We are the economic anchor of the community,” said Ron Peterson, Baxter Regional’s president and chief executive. “When we downsize, the whole community downsizes.”

So for residents of the nearly all-white county, who overwhelmingly voted for President Trump, the fight over the Affordable Care Act is about both lives and livelihoods, access to care and to jobs. And the cloud that remains over the law’s future is unsettling.

Even after the latest Senate effort to overturn the bill collapsed last month, Republicans insisted that the failure was not the final word on the matter for this Congress. “At some point there will be a repeal and replace,” Mr. Trump declared. In the meantime, he has moved to scrap subsidies to insurance companies to help cover low-income people and signed an executive order permitting policies exempt from some of the act’s coverage rules — actions that supporters of the law say will gut it.

Whatever happens, the economy of every state will be affected. Across the country, the health care industry has become a ceaseless job producer — for doctors, nurses, radiologists, paramedics, medical technicians, administrators and health care aides. Funding that began flowing in 2012 as a result of the Affordable Care Act created at least a half-million jobs, according to an analysis by Goldman Sachs.

In many rural areas, where economies are smaller and less diversified, the impact is magnified. Health care has long been an economic bedrock in Baxter County, with a population of 41,000. But its significance has grown since the Affordable Care Act passed. The hospital alone has added 221 employees, a 16 percent increase, since 2011. The health sector accounts for one in nine jobs nationwide, but one in four here — roughly equal to the share employed by the county’s manufacturers and retailers combined.

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“I’m optimistic about the economy, but I’m not optimistic about this health care reform,” Marjorie Swanson said. Like many of her co-workers and neighbors, she dislikes parts of the law that President Barack Obama championed. But she also knows that undoing it now would reduce both the number of insured patients and the government payments that keep the hospital afloat.

One of 31 states (plus the District of Columbia) that chose to extend Medicaid coverage, Arkansas got extra money to cover more low-income residents. Its adult uninsured rate dropped 12.3 percentage points, more than nearly every other state.

Losing that Medicaid money now might not put Baxter Regional out of business, but it could compel the independent, nonprofit hospital to merge with a larger system and cut back its services and work force. And that could be as devastating as slashing jobs at a steel plant in a factory town.

Gathered in a conference room at the hospital between shifts, many in the extended Swanson clan, dressed in a rainbow of blue, red and maroon scrubs, said the law needed to be fixed, not scrapped. And they primarily blamed a corrupt Washington establishment — not Mr. Trump — for failing to do so.

“It’d be like getting a new job as a manager here and every single person is against you,” Ms. Green said of Mr. Trump. She grew up in a family that leaned Democratic, and she supported Bill Clinton, then the state’s governor, for president in 1992, but said she didn’t trust Hillary Clinton.

Still, she is anxious about how Republican-led changes in health care could affect her job. “Probably we’d have to move,” said Ms. Green, whose husband is a firefighter. “But where to go? My whole family’s here. There’s no one who comes for a holiday from somewhere else.”

Ms. Swanson, 52, nodded. “We’d have difficulty getting a job with insurance,” she said. “And where would we get our care?”

Hospitals in rural areas have long struggled financially, but over the past decade the rate of closings has grown steadily. As young people gravitate to urban centers for college and employment, populations have dwindled, and those left behind are often poorer, sicker and less apt to have health insurance.

Baxter Regional, serving a county seat that is a retirement destination, is in a stronger position than most of the nation’s 2,500 rural acute-care hospitals. It offers neurosurgery and an emergency cardiac catheterization lab, the state’s first 3-D mammograms and magnetic resonance imaging. Still, it exists on a financial knife edge even as it helps prop up the local economy. The average operating margin began dipping below the break-even point in 2006 and has hovered near there since.

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The financial effect of the Affordable Care Act on the hospital has been mixed. The Medicaid expansion in Arkansas allowed residents earning 138 percent of the federal poverty level — $16,643 for an individual or $33,948 for a family of four — to buy private insurance paid for primarily by the federal government. That extended health care access to people in the hills and surrounding counties who had never been insured, and shrank charity-case costs.

But it also reduced Medicare reimbursements, which cover the elderly. This trade-off left many hospitals ahead, but not Baxter Regional, which has an unusually large share of Medicare patients — 67 percent compared with a national average of 40 percent.

The added $4 million in Medicaid payments did not make up for the $12 million lost through Medicare. As Mr. Peterson points out, however, the Republican proposals to remake the law would have decreased Medicaid money without restoring any Medicare cuts. Arkansas would be particularly hard hit because it is among a handful of states with provisions that automatically end expanded Medicaid benefits if federal funding is reduced. The result would be fewer insured patients and a lot more debt.

A repeal now, Mr. Peterson said, would be calamitous.

“I was not initially a proponent,” he said of the law. “But once Medicare was cut, then it was very important to make sure you got the whole benefit from the Medicaid expansion. Otherwise, you would have just seen the cuts. Why would I be for that?”

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Young people are still leaving. But health care offers a lure to draw them back.

It’s a five-minute drive from Baxter Regional to the office of Robin Myers, the chancellor of Arkansas State University-Mountain Home, a two-year college that works closely with the hospital to produce job-ready students.

“I can’t tell you how intricately we are tied together with the hospital,” Mr. Myers said. “We could not survive without them.”

“We’re really educating people in the health care professions to stay here,” he added, noting that the school’s typical student is a 28-year-old woman. Once housed in a funeral home and feed store, the college now occupies a stately campus completed in 2000 and styled on Thomas Jefferson’s neo-Classical design for the University of Virginia.

Mountain Home, like other rural towns, is seeing an outflow of young people. The kindergarten has 100 fewer children than it did five years ago. But Mr. Myers said that “if we have opportunities for them, they want to come back.”

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Marjorie Swanson’s daughter, Alison, 23, returned after graduating from college in 2016 with a fine-arts degree. She found an internship with a Stanford University professor, but when it ended, she had no job and no way to afford San Francisco’s sky-high rents.

“I was broke,” she said. “I came back home and was just trying to save up money and working a minimum-wage job that was terrible.”

When a rare opening as a well-paid pharmacy technician arose, her mother urged her to apply. “I’m really, really fortunate, and I really like this job,” Ms. Swanson said. “I would have never thought I would have done this, but the opportunity was there.”

Dr. Lucas Bradley, a neurosurgeon who had just finished up his residency in Little Rock, grew up in Maine, not Mountain Home, but he and his wife, Karla, knew they wanted to raise their family in a small town. Without a growing full-service hospital, though, Dr. Bradley, 37, said he probably wouldn’t have moved here and bought a house. His children — six with a seventh on the way — wouldn’t attend nearby public schools. His wife wouldn’t shop at Harps or fill the car’s gas tank at Valero. His family wouldn’t attend one of the area’s churches.

An economic impact review by the hospital concluded that workers’ earnings combined with their spending on groceries, clothing and the like generated more than $216 million a year in economic activity and helped create 1,280 jobs beyond their own. The hospital spends an additional $19 million a year on goods and services in a dozen surrounding counties. Based on the loss of Medicaid expansion money, the review estimated that a repeal of the Affordable Care Act could mean up to 500 layoffs at the hospital.

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Vacationers looking for ‘one square inch of heaven’ became retirees drawn to a community-centered hospital.

Even now, with a repaved Route 62 running through it, Mountain Home is still what residents call a place you’ve got to be coming to, to get to. Joe Miles, now 65 and president of Integrity First Bank, grew up about 90 miles downstream on the White River and used to hunt and fish here as a child. “You couldn’t get here except by ferry,” he recalled.

Spectacular Ozark scenery, lakes and a river crowded with trout, thanks to federal dam projects, started luring fishermen to the area in the 1950s. The next decade, a group of local businessmen pushed development at a time when the ambulance doubled as a hearse, and the traffic light at Seventh and Main Streets was removed because there were so few cars.

One was T. J. McCabe, a co-founder of Integrity First, who traveled to boat and recreational-vehicle shows in the Midwest, giving away deeds for “one square inch of heaven” and telling the recipients to come visit their property.

“And they would come,” Mr. Miles recalled. “What we’re reaping today are second and third generations from Chicago, Green Bay and Minneapolis.”

Vacationers — blue-collar workers with dependable pension plans — turned into retirees. They were drawn by the lower cost of living, natural beauty and, over time, a full-service, community-centered hospital that could treat hip fractures, diabetes and congestive heart failure without a three-hour drive.

Marjorie Swanson’s parents moved to Mountain Home after researching best-places-to-retire lists. It was during a vacation visit that she and her husband decided it would be a great place to raise their children.

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Many of the retirees — who make up 30 percent of the county’s population — join a large network of volunteers at the hospital; a smaller circle of wealthier ones are big financial donors as well.

In a county where two-thirds of the public-school children qualify for free or reduced-price lunch, such contributions have funded scholarships that helped pay for Ms. Green’s advanced nursing training, and college for Alison Swanson and her brother, Matt. In addition, they have underwritten emergency-room furniture, wheelchairs, free wigs for cancer patients and more.

The stream of retirees slowed when the housing market crashed, and nest eggs turned into foreclosures. During the recession, those who came were like Sarah and Blair Brozynski, Chicago residents who had long vacationed here. They lost their jobs and moved to their summer house in Mountain Home, where they could live with their five children more cheaply.

Now director of education at the hospital, Ms. Brozynski, 47, remembers when the factories laid off workers, the hospital stopped hiring and a wave of closings hit resorts. Car lots were full because no one was buying.

“That was pretty sad, and we got a taste of it,” said Ms. Brozynski, whose husband is training to be a paramedic on a hospital scholarship. A son, also named Blair, is working in the hospital kitchen while he finishes college. She fears that if Republicans unwind the health care law, the tough times will return.

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Many were skeptical about the Affordable Care Act, but its funding is cited as a lifeline in extending coverage.

Ms. Brozynski supported Mr. Obama’s health care legislation when it was first proposed, but many others in the county were skeptical. Some objected to the rise in premiums or a provision designed to keep the plan solvent — fining people who failed to sign up for coverage.

Now, whatever the criticisms, the dozens of employees interviewed at Baxter Regional and elsewhere all expressed thanks that more people had insurance. Michael Haynes, a 64-year-old real estate agent, credited the Affordable Care Act with saving his life. He didn’t have insurance before 2014. Without it, he would not have gone for a routine physical, which led to a diagnosis of prostate cancer and Hodgkin’s lymphoma. After chemotherapy treatments, he is in remission.

At the Christian Clinic — the health care provider of last resort — the number of nonpaying patients seen each week has dropped from 90 to about 50 because of the expanded coverage, said Dr. Paul Wilbur, the clinic’s chairman.

The law has brought insurance to more than 360,000 people in Arkansas, and it now covers 61 percent of children in the state’s small towns and rural areas. “That meant just a gigantic helicopter drop of federal funding,” said Mark Duggan, an economist at Stanford. If that is reversed, “the hospital sector is going to get really hard hit.”

Dr. Bradley, who voted for Mr. Trump and credits him with shaking up inside-the-Beltway cronyism, said the health care law had “benefited hospitals, patients and providers in the state of Arkansas.”

“There were lots of parts in that bill that were done right, parts that were necessary,” Dr. Bradley said. There were significant shortcomings, too, he said, but they are fixable. Sadly, he added, bitter partisanship has made the law a lasting target.

The endless fighting over the health care law has left some of the Swansons so frustrated that they wonder if starting from scratch is the only way to move forward.

“Let it implode and start from ground zero,” Marjorie Swanson suggested at one point. But that prospect, echoing a threat by Mr. Trump, scared other members of the family.

“What does that actually mean?” Ms. Green said. “If he’s going to let it fail and there’s no reimbursements and things are closing, how many casualties are in the wake?”

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Charles Lawton: Maine has more at stake on health care than most other states

Most of the attention commanded by the health care debate over the past several months has rightly centered on the questions of who has access to care and how do they pay for it. Concerns about cost, insurance, subsidies and individual choice have dominated the debate, and all eyes regularly look to the Congressional Budget Office for estimates of how many people will and won’t be covered in the latest proposal. Somewhat lost in this battle over how to divvy up the pie is the fact that the pie itself continues to get larger and larger every year.

According to the most recent state-by-state figures from the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, total personal health care spending in the U.S. totaled nearly $2.6 trillion in 2014. This included spending for doctors, dentists and other health care providers; for hospitals, nursing homes, in-home care, residential mental health and substance abuse facilities; for drugs and health-related supplies and equipment; for ambulance services; and for a variety of clinical services provided in workplaces, community facilities and schools.

 Charles Lawton: Maine has more at stake on health care than most other states


 Charles Lawton: Maine has more at stake on health care than most other states

Since 1990, this spending has more than quadrupled, far outpacing the mere tripling of our nation’s total gross domestic product. As a result, health care spending now accounts for nearly 15 percent of the nation’s total economic activity.

In Maine, this growing economic dependence on health care is even more exaggerated. In 2014, personal health care spending in Maine amounted to just over $12.3 billion. Personal spending on health care amounted to more than 22 percent of our total state product, ranking us first among the 50 states and District of Columbia. In 2000, by comparison, health care spending in Maine accounted for just under 16 percent of our economy, ranking us third nationally. In 1990, our health care spending share was just over 12 percent, ranking us 13th nationally.

The growing dependence on health care as part of the Maine economy is occurring not because health care spending is growing much faster than the national average — it’s only growing slightly faster — but because the rest of our economy is growing so slowly.

Between 1990 and 2009, Maine’s gross state product grew at only 72 percent of the national average. And between 2009 and 2014 — a period of so-called economic “recovery” — our economic growth fell to just 67 percent of the national average.

And therein lies the danger of this growing economic dependence on health care: It puts not just the physical health of our people in the hands of those deciding the fate of health care reform, but also our economic health. The failure to enact fundamental reform of our health care system puts Maine at substantially greater risk than other states because we are so dependent on that system for our economic well-being. Failure to find a way to provide and pay for health care will endanger both the ill and the healthy in Maine.

It is interesting, in this regard, to compare the fate of manufacturing employment and health care employment in Maine over the past 20 years. Manufacturing employment fell from 93,000 to 56,000 – nearly 40 percent. Over the same period, employment in health care and social assistance rose from 81,000 to 119,000 – a gain of 46 percent. In the rural parts of the state, this comparison was even more stark. Outside of the Portland area (York, Cumberland and Sagadahoc counties), manufacturing employment fell by 46 percent while health care employment rose by 34 percent.

In Maine (as is true for much of rural America), health care facilities have, for all practical purposes, become the new mills — the one reliable source of continuing employment. The nation as a whole depends on health care for 15 percent of total employment. In Maine, it is 18 percent. And the health care employment total here does not include the people in grocery stores and pharmacies whose jobs depend on the retailers who sell prescription drug and health care supplies, nor the others whose jobs in actuality depend on indirectly serving health care needs.

Maine Sen. Susan Collins has rightly been praised for her courage in standing up both for the needs of those hurt by hasty “repeal and replace” legislation and for the full and open debate of both parties in any true reform process. She should be equally praised for recognizing that such stands represent not just good politics, but also good economics. And in no state is that more true than in her own home state of Maine.

Charles Lawton, Ph.D., is a consulting economist. He can be contacted at: [email protected]


 Charles Lawton: Maine has more at stake on health care than most other states


 Charles Lawton: Maine has more at stake on health care than most other states


 Charles Lawton: Maine has more at stake on health care than most other states


 Charles Lawton: Maine has more at stake on health care than most other states


Send questions/comments to the editors.

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Charles Lawton: Maine has more at stake on health care than most other states

Most of the attention commanded by the health care debate over the past several months has rightly centered on the questions of who has access to care and how do they pay for it. Concerns about cost, insurance, subsidies and individual choice have dominated the debate, and all eyes regularly look to the Congressional Budget Office for estimates of how many people will and won’t be covered in the latest proposal. Somewhat lost in this battle over how to divvy up the pie is the fact that the pie itself continues to get larger and larger every year.

According to the most recent state-by-state figures from the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, total personal health care spending in the U.S. totaled nearly $2.6 trillion in 2014. This included spending for doctors, dentists and other health care providers; for hospitals, nursing homes, in-home care, residential mental health and substance abuse facilities; for drugs and health-related supplies and equipment; for ambulance services; and for a variety of clinical services provided in workplaces, community facilities and schools.

Since 1990, this spending has more than quadrupled, far outpacing the mere tripling of our nation’s total gross domestic product. As a result, health care spending now accounts for nearly 15 percent of the nation’s total economic activity.

In Maine, this growing economic dependence on health care is even more exaggerated. In 2014, personal health care spending in Maine amounted to just over $12.3 billion. Personal spending on health care amounted to more than 22 percent of our total state product, ranking us first among the 50 states and District of Columbia. In 2000, by comparison, health care spending in Maine accounted for just under 16 percent of our economy, ranking us third nationally. In 1990, our health care spending share was just over 12 percent, ranking us 13th nationally.

The growing dependence on health care as part of the Maine economy is occurring not because health care spending is growing much faster than the national average – it’s only growing slightly faster – but because the rest of our economy is growing so slowly.

Between 1990 and 2009, Maine’s gross state product grew at only 72 percent of the national average. And between 2009 and 2014 – a period of so-called economic “recovery” – our economic growth fell to just 67 percent of the national average.

And therein lies the danger of this growing economic dependence on health care: It puts not just the physical health of our people in the hands of those deciding the fate of health care reform, but also our economic health. The failure to enact fundamental reform of our health care system puts Maine at substantially greater risk than other states because we are so dependent on that system for our economic well-being. Failure to find a way to provide and pay for health care will endanger both the ill and the healthy in Maine.

It is interesting, in this regard, to compare the fate of manufacturing employment and health care employment in Maine over the past 20 years. Manufacturing employment fell from 93,000 to 56,000 – nearly 40 percent. Over the same period, employment in health care and social assistance rose from 81,000 to 119,000 – a gain of 46 percent. In the rural parts of the state, this comparison was even more stark. Outside of the Portland area (York, Cumberland and Sagadahoc counties), manufacturing employment fell by 46 percent while health care employment rose by 34 percent.

In Maine (as is true for much of rural America), health care facilities have, for all practical purposes, become the new mills – the one reliable source of continuing employment. The nation as a whole depends on health care for 15 percent of total employment. In the Portland area, that share is 16 percent, and in the rest of Maine it is 18 percent. And the health care employment total here does not include the people in grocery stores and pharmacies whose jobs depend on the retailers who sell prescription drug and health care supplies, nor the others whose jobs in actuality depend on indirectly serving health care needs.

Maine Sen. Susan Collins has rightly been praised for her courage in standing up both for the needs of those hurt by hasty “repeal and replace” legislation and for the full and open debate of both parties in any true reform process. She should be equally praised for recognizing that such stands represent not just good politics, but also good economics. And in no state is that more true than in her own home state of Maine.

Charles Lawton, Ph.D., is a consulting economist. He can be contacted at:

[email protected]


 Charles Lawton: Maine has more at stake on health care than most other states


 Charles Lawton: Maine has more at stake on health care than most other states


 Charles Lawton: Maine has more at stake on health care than most other states


 Charles Lawton: Maine has more at stake on health care than most other states


Send questions/comments to the editors.




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